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Who will be the next president of Armenia?

June 30,2014 17:34

Last time, we talked about Robert Kocharyan, but could not give exhaustive and convincing explanations. Because Kocharyan’s phenomenon is as simple as too complicated. It is clear that Armenia’s second president, unlike the first one, is not specifically against returning to power. All the reasons and circumstances are available for not being against it.

The first reason: if Armenia becomes a full member of the Customs Union, Kocharyan’s desire to return to power will not only be logical and natural, but also quite possible.

The second reason: the majority of Robert Kocharyan’s team members are still holding government offices, and, in fact, only he is absent.

The third and not secondary reason is the lust for power.

The fourth are private interests and personal problems.

And so on and so forth. In other words, there are many reasons for Kocharyan to return to power. Now, let’s see, what may prevent the second president on this issue. First of all, of course, the Constitutional amendments, which is quite seriously talked about, and if the alleged provisions of the Constitution are truly amended, not only Kocharyan, but also Ter-Petrosyan and Serzh Sargsyan cannot be re-elected a president. Ever.

Unless, of course, the fourth president of Armenia would introduce entirely different amendments in the constitution. My words are not the sphere of fantasy at all, because if the third president succeeds in passing a new Constitution, it will turn out that we have had three constitutions since independence, in other words, as many presidents, so many constitution. In other words, it is more than clear that those who are in favor of constitutional amendments, they are definitely against Kocharyan’s becoming a President, as well as Ter-Petrosyan’s presidency. And no matter how we say and repeat that Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan are the same people, it turns out that the third president intends to prevent the return of the second one by such constitutional amendments. As well as the first one.

In other words, everything is subject to changes, including the Constitution, including the relationship between the second and the third ones, including the relationship between the first and second ones. And if once the first one was publicly announcing that if the second one is nominated in the upcoming presidential elections, now he is philosophically and generously silent, and, in fact, he has no reasons for not being quiet, because, I repeat, everything will depend on the Constitution, and after the amendments of alleged clauses of the Constitution, quite different candidates would be nominated, including Hovik Abrahamyan, again Arthur Baghdasaryan, also Nikol Pashinyan, let’s not forget Gagik Tsarukyan, perhaps also David Harutyunyan, and Vazgen Manukyan as a gist to you, Raffi Hovannisian, too. And so on and so forth.

In other words, if the involvement of the first and second presidents be excluded due to constitutional amendments, many of those who were forgotten would try reminding of their existence. In other words, these and many other prominent politicians, deep in their souls, may well be in favor of constitutional amendments, and many of them being totally in favor of Kocharyan may well be against, and many of them being in favor of the constitutional amendments may  not be expressed and voice about it, because Galust Sahakyan, Ashotyan and many others will be expressed and voice them instead of them. Especially, Aharon Adibekyan who was keeping silent for a long time.

In short, with regard to Constitutional amendments, mostly the first and the second president’s interests coincide, because if the planned constitutional amendments become true, they will be deprived of the opportunity to run for the presidency, and even though the first president once has stated his age, it does not mean that he and his supporters will also refuse the opportunity to be nominated. It means that the first and second presidents, along with their supporters, will do their utmost so that the constitutional amendments do not precede Armenia’s regular or extraordinary presidential elections.

VOSKAN YEREVANTSY

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