Supporters of the government ask sarcastically and with a certain degree of aggression: “What, do you think that if Nikol goes, the Turks will give Karabakh back?”
Regardless of how and why this question is asked, it should be given an honest answer. No, returning to Artsakh in the foreseeable future will not be possible. That doesn’t mean, however, that the issue is closed forever; it was not completed in 1918 or 1994 and is not closed now.
But if Pashinyan stays, what happened to the Republic of Artsakh and the people of Artsakh will happen to the Republic of Armenia and Armenian citizens.
Now the government says we will sign a “Peace Agreement,” and that’s it; our sovereignty and security are secured.
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But let’s remember once again what was said about Artsakh.
May 2020: “Artsakh is Armenia, and that’s it.”
In May 2021, we will fight for the self-determination and sovereignty of Artsakh. 2022 April, lower your bar a little on the status of Nagorno-Karabakh.
October 2022: Artsakh is part of Azerbaijan. After that, we will fight for the rights and security of the people of Artsakh.
September 22, 2023, we must do everything so that our compatriots, residents of Nagorno-Karabakh, can live in their homes without fear, with dignity and safety.
The September 28, 2023 analysis shows that no Armenians will be left in Artsakh.
Only three years and four months passed, and everything turned upside down.
After all this, do I have reasons not to believe any of Pashinyan’s words?
In particular, when he says that a/ “Zangezur Corridor” will not be provided,
b/ the “resettlement” of Azerbaijanis in 300 settlements on the territory of RA, as well as the return of “enclaves” does not pose any threat to our state,
c/ “reparations” of billions of dollars (military penalty) are not discussed with Aliyev,
d/ “delimitation” does not imply the concession of already occupied and new territories,
e/ Armenia will not be asked not to have an army.
Pashinyan is leading to the fragmentation of the Republic of Armenia and the abolition of Armenian statehood. To a greater or lesser extent, Azerbaijan, Turkey, Russia, and the West want the same thing, to which the Prime Minister of Armenia has made various “gentlemanly” promises. Any other prime minister from any party (including the Civil Contract) will be free from these promises.
The last official document more or less related to all these issues, signed by Armenia, is the tripartite declaration of November 9, 2020, the points of which none of the three parties fulfilled. The rest is up for debate for now (of course, it will require some challenging, hard diplomatic work).
If the “peace agreement” is signed, the discussion will be complicated because there will be, if not openly, then “implicitly” the points listed above: the “corridor,” the “return” of Azerbaijanis, “enclaves,” and so on.
… In addition, Pashinyan “didn’t have the guts” to demand the return of RA citizens captured in 2020 and allowed Azerbaijan to take new prisoners.
ARAM ABRAHAMYAN
