The Gyumri Council elections will take place on March 30. Once again, the Civil Contract party (CP) and its leader have turned on their broken record, playing the familiar tune of “former looters.” But this time, the “kebab by kebab,” “yashik by yashik” playlist may not work as expected.
There are two reasons for this. First, Sarik Minasyan, a classic post-Soviet bureaucrat, lacks any charisma. Second, after seven years of repeating the same message with the same rhetorical tricks, people are simply tired of it.
Of course, CP is not relying solely on propaganda. It has a set of old, tried, and “traditional” methods in its arsenal.
What does it mean when the governor becomes the head of the campaign headquarters for the ruling party’s candidate? It’s quite simple. Every state institution in Gyumri that depends on the governor—schools, kindergartens, polyclinics, hospitals—will be mobilized in support of CP’s candidate. The governor will place the responsibility of delivering votes directly on their shoulders.
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If they fail to meet their quota, there will be consequences. Because the prime minister, in turn, will put pressure on the governor, and if Sarik Minasyan doesn’t become mayor, the governor, the governor’s office staff, and everyone involved in ensuring a CP victory will face serious repercussions—perhaps even an infamous SMS message.
Naturally, the tax service, police, National Security Service, prosecutor’s office, social services, and other state institutions will also take part in this “final battle to prevent a return to the past.”
I and other journalists have been writing about these “electoral mechanisms” for decades. The traditional response is always the same: “Bring evidence.” Evidence is brought. But not all evidence is treated equally.
For example, when Daniel Ioannisyan’s organization presented evidence of election violations during the 2017 parliamentary elections, it resonated loudly. Yet, when the same organization revealed similar violations during the recent Yerevan Council of Elders elections, hardly anyone paid attention. Apparently, much depends on the level of support from the relevant international organizations and embassies.
Another traditional justification is even more absurd: “I am on leave, and I have the right to engage in campaign activities.” Who are they trying to fool? If the governor, a minister, or even the prime minister takes a leave of absence, do their power and authority also go on leave?
…What difference does it make whether the “former” ones return or not, if you are doing exactly what they did?
Aram ABRAHAMYAN
