Before the parliamentary elections of 1995, there was a plan to completely use the proportional voting system. However, in the end, the argument was made that political parties hadn’t been formed in Armenia, and an announcement was made that after the Constitution had been established, the parliament that followed held a “transitional” role. As a result, proportionality played a small role, although it was due to that that deputies from the National Democratic Union and the Union for National Self-Determination entered the parliament. The oppressive majority, however, comprised of pro-government “non-political” figures who entered parliament through money and sometimes even violence. These business owners, “good men,” as well as opportunists who do not have any fundamentals are always pro-government, regardless of what the head of state’s last name is.
And that has its explanation. Those “non-political” figures are the most vulnerable. They have a lot to lose and that’s why they want to stay on the government’s good side. It’s also beneficial for the government to have such deputies. When there is stability, their loyalty is ensured. When there is a massive coup d’etat (1998) or a revolution (2018), then their loyalty changes and support for the new government is also ensured. That is perhaps why they rejected 100 percent proportionality in 1995; it was easier to keep the government that way.
In the future, the majority, and in the last elections, the silent majority, had the same goals through open district ballots (by the way, we wrongfully call that voting system the “rating” system, but in reality, ratings are something different, however we continue to use the term so as to not cause confusion). The government had the opportunity to use a new Electoral Code this October and to have the right amount of votes (“Yelq” + Prosperous Armenia + ARF + “former” RPA). However, it either couldn’t get the right number of votes, or it didn’t want to do so for whatever reason. That will not change the distribution in parliament; it’s clear that Civil Contract or “My Step” will be the majority.
The amount will not change because of ratings or without ratings, but the voting system will have an effect on quality. There will be more “non-political” faces from the ruling party and Prosperous Armenia than there will be good or bad politicians. What remains is that the political parties remember the fundamentals they spoke of in 5 years from now, so that the elections held in 2023 will finally be held in 100 percent proportionality.
Aram Abrahamyan
