Political discourse in our society after the election consists of two extremes. The authorities, its propagandists, and its fans say that the people have expressed their will by “degrading” and “insulting” all the “former authorities” and their “servants,” including the idiotic intellectuals. Supporters of the opposition say that the “idiot,” “plebs,” and confused “zombies” are playing with our country’s fate. The insulting labels used by both sides do not bring us a centimeter closer to an adequate understanding of reality.
After all, all thoughts focus on Nikol Pashinyan, according to whom he is the David of Sasun who saved the people, liberated them from the “former,” overcame corruption, and established justice. Or vice versa: he is a traitor, a capitulator who deliberately destroyed the country.
Both judgments, in my opinion, are wrong. The individual characteristics of the head of state, of course, are important. The current acting Prime Minister is an irresponsible, unpredictable, and unbalanced figure who, with his incompetent leadership, has brought the state to the brink of collapse.
But apart from personal descriptions and, of course, conspiracy theories (“pro-Soros”), there are also objective patterns. To evaluate them, two realities must be accepted. 1) In 2018, the majority of Armenian citizens were in favor of the revolution, and 2) In 2021, the majority of citizens who participated in the elections voted for Pashinyan. Excuses such as “people were deceived,” “the elections were rigged,” “I did not block the streets in 2018,” and “I did not vote for Nikol” may create a comfortable situation for the “justifier,” but they can not eliminate the objective patterns.
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On the other hand, let’s not pretend that nothing bad happened. The soldiers of our neighboring country have no military obstacles in advancing in the Tavush and Syunik provinces. Their appetites are currently limited by Russia. In Artsakh, too, we have no leverage to ensure the security of our compatriots; that function has also been completely transferred to the Russian peacekeepers. The activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, i.e. the second most important ministry after the army, are paralyzed. Putin, Aliyev, and Erdogan make decisions about Armenia, about which the Russian president occasionally informs the acting prime minister of Armenia. In these conditions, to say that everything is fine, economic activity has increased, and a patrol service has been set up, are far from the truth.
But who said that most of our citizens need the state with its laws, and Artsakh with the Armenians still living there? That majority needs something else. We need to understand what.
Aram Abrahamyan
