If a part of the opposition still have some illusions after the constitutional referendum that it is possible to achieve a change of power in Armenia by the manners of the fight used over 23 years, then these people have not yet matured. To say the same words in 2015 that were said in 1992, let’s say, by NDU, it is the same as I continue to publish the newspaper by a linotype method. Change of power, yes, must be achieved only through voting, but if it is a voting based only on complaint, fury and hatred, then it will lead to the same results that led since 1995. Uttering the names of the government authorities and their nearby (incidentally, it was the summer of 1994 when Ashot Manucharyan first time uttered “Grzo” by moving the hatred towards the relative of the then Minister of Internal Affairs) with a foam in the mouth, it certainly raises the public temperature, but does not contribute to the organization of the society.
It always seemed to the opposition that making uproars in the Liberty Square and in the center of Yerevan city, the first, second or third presidents will be afraid and will resign. They were confident and perhaps, some of them still believe that ensuring a “critical mass” after the next rigged elections (referendum), any state instance will revise the results of these elections. Declaring prior to each election, “This time, the authorities will fail to assault the will of the people,” and then they become convinced that it is “succeeded” pretty well. To the point, those who have assaulted a couple of times are complaining of their descendant assailants. And the “magic circle” makes its next stall.
All this brings no results, and there is no sense to persist that once it will ever be, because it is obvious that an organized team (with all its negative features) is standing on the one side and on the other side, a mass filled with reckless hatred, whose “charismatic leaders” are too many, and that’s why each of them “sticks to his guns.”
I do not know whether Nikol Pashinyan’s, Edmond Marukyan’s or other “alternative oppositions’” proposals will working or not, but probably it makes sense for the “traditional”, “NDU-type” oppositions to “cool down” a little bit, temporarily give up the “internal-opposition” competition and listen to each other and the aforementioned figures. Maybe they will manage, a/ to find the idea and the program, which will unite the majority of the public, b/ to find the organizational manner that can counter the government orderliness. A few months are left for it until May next year when essentially the race for parliamentary elections will start out.
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Otherwise, after the 2017 elections, we will have exactly the same snapshot as it is now.
Aram ABRAHAMYAN
