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June 22,2018 12:42

Four factions of the National Assembly, three participants from each, have started the discussion of the new Electoral Code. If you remember, before the previous parliamentary elections a discussion on the same subject was held in the format of 4 (power) + 4 (opposition) + 4 (NGO). Then, the NGO side was dissatisfied with something and left the negotiations, but the opposition seemed to be satisfied with the results of the discussions: technical means, publication of the lists were there to ensure fair voting process, which took place. However, the Republican Party and the Prosperous Armenia “scored through money”, as a result of which we have the current picture of the National Assembly.

Let us try to imagine what approaches the sides will hold this time. The Republican Party will struggle for the so-called “electoral district rating” system, that is, in fact, for the apolitical and hidden majority system. The rest of the factions will stand against it, some will offer “national rating” system, which, at least at first glance, does not pose a particular threat. However, regardless of what kind of electoral system there will be, frankly speaking, I cannot imagine what a miracle should happen so that the Republican Party receives seats in the parliament.

The “Tsarukyan” alliance will fight for its leader’s right to “charity”, hoping that in the name of “charity” it would be possible to motivate voters materially. The strong resistance of the Prosperous Armenia members to the law on charity is conditioned by this fact. By the way, comparisons with Mantashev are not appropriate. The Tbilisi-Armenian philanthropist did not have a party and did not participate in the elections.

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation and “Yelq” will struggle for the proportional electoral system, which will eventually be adopted. But let me give two remarks. First, the electoral system is not the only problem. It is necessary to clearly define the powers of the police and courts in case of various violations, especially vote-buying. Second, the point of view of the non-parliamentary forces should be taken into consideration. Apart from the members of the parliament, there are many other, equally worthy or even worthier, figures.

 

Aram ABRAHAMYAN

 

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