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15 Principles of Armenia’s Future

April 17,2022 22:00

Part 1

Ruben Vardanyan, evolutionary visionary, Co-founder of the Aurora Humanitarian Initiative, UWC Dilijan, FAST, International School of Leadership and Professional Development “Matena” and other projects.

Photo credit: Personal archive

AUTHOR’S NOTE

November 9 marked exactly one year since the 44-day war in Artsakh ended. According to Armenian traditions, it was a year of mourning as we paid tribute to the deceased, and now is the time for all thinking and caring people to join forces in comprehending the events of the past three decades, both last and this year, and, upon the analysis of all the missteps and achievements, offer a summary. The time has come for each of us to finally realize our responsibility not only for our own future and the future of our loved ones but also for that of our country and nation.

Sure enough, many people out there believe that the latter is none of their business, that they always have a backup plan in case things go terribly wrong in Armenia. Believe me, this is an illusion, exactly the same as the one that the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire used to cherish in 1915. Many of them were confident that they would be able to negotiate with the slayers and buy their way out as the massacre was unfolding in a neighboring village. The ability of Armenians to easily adapt to new circumstances and integrate into new communities has always been our asset, but our tragedy lies in the ease with which the Armenians have been leaving their homeland in search of a better life. Everyone saves themselves instead of uniting and joining forces to save their homeland and their people, whose fate is no less important than that of a single Armenian.

I wrote this paper to discuss precisely this and many other things, above all, personal responsibility. The best epitome of what it is, in my opinion, was phrased by the prominent opponent of Nazism, the Lutheran pastor Martin Niemöller (1892–1984), who said: “First they came for the Communists, and I did not speak out because I was not a Communist. Then they came for the Socialists, and I did not speak out because I was not a Socialist. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out because I was not a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me, and there was no one left to speak out for me.” Sadly, many Armenians follow the same logic: when Syunik is about to get hit, it is none of my business because I live in Tavush; when the Armenian community of Lebanon is on the verge of extinction, I could not care less because I am not a Lebanese Armenian; when in Armenia, school-age children do not have regular access to education, it is a shame, but my family is happily settled in Europe or the US and our children go to a prestigious school, etc.

When the majority of Armenians (80%, according to the surveys) quietly accept the defeat in the war and the loss of most of the lands of Artsakh, this means a loss of unity and a sense of collective responsibility. The loss of Artsakh can be just as easily followed by the loss of Syunik and then the Tavush region, etc. Disunity and indifference are the dangerous ills of our society that need to be addressed as soon as possible.

It is always difficult to bounce back from a defeat, and yet those with a strong spirit do not give up. Instead, they muster the courage to realize and admit their mistakes, man up, and work painstakingly toward avoiding the repetition of these mistakes in the future. And now, a year after the war ended, the time has come to come to terms with the fact that we can ensure peace only if we ourselves become strong, if we are united and can show this unity to the rest of the world. In no case should we put up with defeat, especially since for our neighbors, this victory is not enough, and sooner or later, they will strike again. This does not mean that I am calling for revenge—rather, it is about becoming self-sufficient since the constant expectation of help from the outside makes us vulnerable and dependent. Our security is our own business. We ourselves must create it and learn how to protect it. Then, external assistance will come and will be effective. Having become strong, we will be able to have peace on our terms and become masters of our future and worthy partners to our allies.

The main idea that I would like to convey in my work is my conviction that Armenia has every opportunity to become a strong country, and the Armenians a successful modern nation that will revive its traditional values, relying on its glorious past, while being future-oriented. To do this, we need to get out of the sleepy stupor in which we find ourselves, considering the defeat in the 44-day war as just a sad episode of the past that has nothing to do with anyone personally, realize where we are now, and take a step toward change.

A sensible choice of a development trajectory and model that would ensure security, prosperity, and preservation of national identity for the citizens of Armenia and the Armenians of the whole world should become one of those decisive actions that must be taken so that the chilling prospect of finally losing Artsakh, and, with it, Armenia, does not become a reality. Fortunately, there are reasonable forces in Armenia and the Armenian world that are poised to take responsibility and spearhead the positive transformations that we need sorely.

Thirty years ago, in the early 1990s, the formation of the young Republic of Armenia was a grueling job. We were not ready for independence and did not fully capitalize on our right to choose our path. Worse still, having won the war for the independence of Artsakh, we did not learn how to be victors and did not lay the foundation for a reliable peace in the form of a strong and advanced army and a prosperous state. The state in which Armenia has been for 24 years cannot be called either peace or war.

Over the past three decades, we have failed to adapt the giant Soviet legacy to the needs and capabilities of the new state and society and to arrange a form of life that would propel Armenians to prosperity. The political and military elite of Armenia considered that victory in the war legitimized it and entitled it to rule the country single-handedly. We missed the opportunity to make incremental, evolutionary changes. The changes that began after the April 2016 four-day war, albeit fueling optimism, unfortunately, have not resulted in profound reforms. We also did not use the window of opportunity opened up by the events of 2018. The Armenian and diasporan elites did not join forces to build the country and revive the nation. The full-scale crisis that broke out last year and the war in Artsakh have provided us with the last opportunity to make changes, which cannot be postponed any longer.

Previously, I have reiterated that I refrain from direct participation in political processes, but the current critical state of affairs does not leave me any other choice but to join the discussion of the most important political and social issues: what kind of Armenia we are building and how we envision the future of the Armenian nation. In this sense, my partners and I are entering the political field. At the same time, I want to emphasize that we are still public, not political actors.

There are two ways social advances can be made: either aggression and conflict caused by the struggle for limited resources and benefits or empathy and interaction toward the joint enhancement of these benefits. The choice is clear to me, just as it is obvious that to change the current situation, getting involved in the struggle of political parties and striving to secure the Prime Minister’s job are not necessary. All I want is to do my utmost for the good of my homeland and my people and to be of use to them in any capacity they see fit.

Undoubtedly, the work you are about to read is just a sketch, a roadmap, which warrants a full-fledged and open discussion, multiple corrections, and amendments.

To be continued

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