Civil Contract’s election campaign is built almost entirely on attacking its opponents through rumors and allegations. When a journalist, an editor, or even an opposition politician engages in such behavior, it is undesirable, but it carries no legal consequences. It influences public opinion, nothing more. When the country’s leader does the same, however, it is perceived—under the current political system—as a signal. The machinery of repression then begins searching for ways to give those allegations a legal veneer.
Pashinyan’s campaign rhetoric is dominated by claims that are clearly intended to justify his own disastrous failures. One example is the assertion that “Karabakh was handed over back in 1996.” It would not be surprising if he were to order criminal proceedings against Levon Ter-Petrosyan for allegedly “surrendering Karabakh.” In that case, the law enforcement system would no doubt be mobilized to “prove” that it was not Armenia’s current leadership that led the country to a humiliating defeat.
The rest of the campaign’s familiar accusations hardly need repeating: plunder, espionage, vote-buying, insulting the “king.” Manufacturing cases along these lines has become the principal occupation of law enforcement bodies serving political interests. One might wonder whether they still have enough time left to deal with actual crime.
Why is all this being done? The answer is obvious: to discredit political rivals and push them out of public life. But the primary objective, in my view, is intimidation. The goal is to ensure that no one approaches the “king,” as Arthur Osipyan did, to voice dissatisfaction. Or speaks with the same sharpness and directness as Andranik Tevanyan.
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The antidote, as I see it, is solidarity among those who are not afraid—regardless of their past or present disagreements. In an age dominated by herd instincts, individual voices must be heard loudly. People who value independent thought should stand together and make themselves heard.
In 1986–87, a signature campaign began in the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast demanding reunification with Armenia. At first, people were afraid—of Baku, of Moscow, and of “Armenians” such as Boris Kevorkov. (Are the repressions organized by Pashinyan really more frightening?) Yet that fear was eventually overcome. It was overcome thanks to people such as Igor Muradyan and Artur Mkrtchyan. Thanks to individuals. Thanks to idealists.
Aram ABRAHAMYAN
